Taming ethnic upsurge and resolving conflict need viable comprehensive concept
The Pyithu Hlutaw, lower house, started on 1 February and the Aung San
Suu Kyi-led NLD took over the reins from the military-backed Union Solidarity and
Development Party (USDP), with the Ahmyotha Hlutaw, upper house, scheduled to
take place a few days later, where the two presidential candidates from the NLD
and one from the military would be selected for the voting, not later than the
end of March. Most are optimistic that the change for the better is in the air.
The second parliament session was attended by 429 out of 433 MPs, as
four of them were absent. The breakdown accordingly was National League for
Democracy (NLD) 255, Arakan National Party (ANP) 12, Shan Nationalities League
for Democracy (SNLD) 12, Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) 30,
Ta-ang (Palaung) National Party (TNP) 3, Zomi Congress for Democracy Party
(ZCDP) 1, Lisu National Development Party (LNDP) 2, Kachin State Democracy
Party (KSDP) 1, Kokang Democracy and Unity Party (KDUP) 1, Wa Democratic Party
(WDP) 1, individual 1, Pa-O National Organization (PNO) 3 and Tatmadaw
(Military) 110.
The session elected three non-Bamar and one Bamar ethnic MPs to the
Pyithu Hluttaw and Ahmyotha Hluttaw – upper and lower houses - as house
speakers. They are: lower house speaker, U Win Myint of NLD , the Bamar ethnic;
lower house deputy speaker, U T Khun Myat of USDP, Kachin ethnic; upper house
speaker, Mann Win Khaing Than of NLD, Karen ethnic; and upper house deputy
speaker, U Aye Tha Aung (ANP), an Arakan ethnic.
The majority selection of the non-Bamar ethnic nationalities to the
lower and upper houses was greeted with optimism by the ethnic leaders, even
though it is quite clear that the real power lies in the lower house, for the
upper house doesn't count much, under the present military-drafted
constitution.
Regarding the NLD's tactical move, Hkun Htun Oo, Chairman of the SNLD
said: “It is good for she (Aung San Suu Kyi) has already said that
reconciliation with the ethnic is needed. The ethnic nationalities should be
united, isn't it? She also said that she would resolve the ethnic problematic.
In line with it, it is good that ethnic are given the opportunity.”
Echoing the same expression, Dr Tu Ja of KSDP said: “It is good for
national reconciliation. A good step for the prospect of the future, because
all must work in cooperation. The ethnic people of the states had given their
votes to the NLD because they want changes in all the parliaments. This leads
to the ethnic having less voice (in the parliaments). Therefore, giving space
(opportunity) as much as possible to the ethnic is very good. I would say that
this is the first step that has to be welcome.”
While such enthusiasm and upbeat mood is in the air, in the realpolitik
power equation, the ethnic as a whole is only assuming the role of a second
fiddle in national political arena, for only 11 ethnic political parties with
some 40 MPs are participating in the parliamentary process.
But the insignificant number of ethnic MPs doesn't mean that the ethnic
nationalities don't have a say in determining their own faith, for there is
such notion as “ethnic self-determination” or “ethnic group rights” that has to
be taken into account.
Broadly speaking, for the ethnic part of reconciliation, implementation
must be grounded on broad conceptual thinking, which must be targeted at aiming
to tame the global trend of “ethnic
upsurge” that is so contagious and already wide spread in the present day
Burma.
It is imperative to understand that the need for comprehensive attention
to resolve ethnic conflict on a nationwide scale and accommodating ethnic
self-determination aspirations are two sides of the same coin and has to be
tackled together and not separately.
Recently, a new ethnic armed resistance outfit, the Tai-leng's Shan-ni
Nationalities Army (SNA), entered the armed conflict arena as a new kid on the
bloc, adding another one more to the existing 21 ethnic armed organizations
(EAOs), as if to demonstrate the rising tide of ethnic upsurge and Burma still
doesn't have enough anti-government ethnic resistance groups.
According to the 25 January Shan Herald
Agency for News (SHAN) report, the “Red Shan” of northern Burma announced the formation
of their armed group, the Shan-ni Nationalities Army (SNA), on social media in
mid-January, amidst calls for their own state in parliament.
Described as an independent organization
“not under any other group,” the SNA claims to represent the Shan peoples of
northern Burma. With a population estimated at 300,000, the Red Shan—translated
to Shan-ni in Burmese and Tai-leng in Shan—largely live in
southern Kachin State, particularly near Mohnyin and Bhamo, and in Sagaing
Division.
“If the tiger has no fangs, the animals
will not be afraid of it,” said a retired Shan-ni soldier from Kachin State,
who asked not to be named. “If the people have no guns, we will not be safe. We
cannot protect our area.”
He said he believes that the establishment
of an armed group will give the Red Shan a more prominent role in Burma’s
political dialogue. A commonly held perception is that arms allow for demands
to be taken more seriously at Burma’s negotiating table.
Recently, the Tai-leng Nationalities
Development Party (TNDP), which won one state seat in November’s parliamentary
election, asked the government to demarcate a Shan-ni State made up of
territory within Kachin State and Sagaing Division, not to be outdone by the
Pa-O and Wa that also had voiced demands for the upgrade to national-level
state status.
Supporting this ethnic upsurge trend, various
ethnic groups have been active in a variety of ways.
For instance, alarmed by the NLD political onslaught that produced its
winning majority in Karen State left the Karen without voice in parliamentary
arena, five Karen political parties agreed to prepare for a fusion during the
course of the year, so that they could ward off such a political disaster for
the Karen people in the future.
On 29 January, the Karen News reported that the decision to be integrated was made at
an integration meeting held on the 26 January in Rangoon where 30 delegates
from Plone Sawor Democratic Party (PSDP), Karen Democratic Party (KDP) and
Karen State Democracy and Development Party based in Karen state and the Yangon
based Karen People’s Party (KPP) and Karen National Party (KNP) attended.
Speaking at the meeting, Mann Aung Pyi
Soe, the vice chairman of PSDP said; “The committee for the integration of
Karen parties is going to be formed composed of 30 members with six
representatives from each party. This committee is responsible for the
implementation of getting the five parties integrated within one year.”
Also seeking to empower their political outlook
in state-building, a leadership delegation from the Restoration Council of Shan
State/Shan State Army-South (RCSS/SSA-S) went for a ten-day exposure trip, in
January, to Switzerland, which was the first such international trip and is
themed as “Power Sharing and Federalism: Comparative Experiences”, according to
the SHAN report.
The delegation of 14, which includes RCSS/SSA-S
commander-in-chief Lt.-Gen. Yawd Serk, advisors, and members of education,
health, peace, foreign affairs and anti-narcotics departments, were invited to
the country by the Swiss ambassador in Yangon. It was said that they hoped to
gain further insight into Switzerland’s federal government system—specifically,
how power is allocated between a central government and the country’s 26
“cantons,” or states, and “communes,” or municipalities.
Khuensai Jaiyen, an adviser to the RCSS/SSA-S, said that the group is
interested in “study[ing] not only about federal and state level governments,
but also about local governments.”
During stays in four cities—Bern, Geneva, Montreux and Murten—the
delegation met representatives from
international NGOs and study Swiss departments of defence, development,
economics, education and healthcare.
Khuensai, who is also a journalist apart from being the patron of SHAN and Director of the Pyidaungsu Institute
(PI), that styled itself as a provider of “impartial and independent spaces for
building common understanding, resources and assistance to communities in
building the Pyidaungsu (Union)”, was impressed by the Swiss federalism for its
power-sharing arrangement among the German spoken 63.7% of the population,
French 20.3%, Italian 6.5% and Romansch (which descends from Latin used by the
Romans) 0.9%.
He was particularly delighted with regards to the usage of three
official languages. He recently writes in SHAN that “every place we visit,
signs are written in 3 languages: German, French and English“.
Meanwhile, the
Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) has asked the United Nationalities
Federal Council (UNFC) and the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) to intervene to
end fighting with the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS).
While the RCSS that signed October's
nationwide ceasefire agreement claimed to have been attacked at least 10 times
since November by the TNLA, the latter accused the former for expanding and
intruding into its area with the help of the government troops, which was
categorically denied.
“We are seeking to end the ongoing
clashes. We have already informed the UNFC and the SSPP about the clashes. We
requested both organizations intervene to stop the clashes with the RCSS,” said
Colonel Tar Phone Kyaw, general secretary of the TNLA.
Colonel Sai La, a spokesperson for the
RCSS, said: “We don’t want clashes. We want to be on good terms with all ethnic
groups. We will be glad if the TNLA gives the green light."
But to date, the conflict lingers on and
the said peaceful settlement intervention has not taken place.
While
Aung San Suu Kyi thought that a token symbol of ethnic reconciliation by placing some ethnic MPs in key government
positions should be enough, ANP was not happy with the NLD in airing that it's
right to form government and occupy Chief Minister post. The ANP had won 23 seats in the state
election.
And although Thein Sein stressed that his mission had been to pave way for a smooth democratic transition and anchored multi-party system, during his farewell speech, the question remains if and when the military's privileges would be curtailed and abolished that is blocking the whole democratization process.
The SNA entering the EAOs scene is also stark reminder that the armed ethnic conflict has not been resolved, but only exacerbated after four years of peace process.
The RCSS
and TNLA armed clashes could also be seen as part and parcel of the ethnic
upsurge, as the Ta'ang or Palaung shows increased identity awareness,
territorial expansion and longed for an upgraded national status, on par with
the Shan State, which it seeks to secede from.
Five
Karen political parties unification deliberation is also an increased ethnic
identity awareness, that has been trying to turn the lost of last election into
a more formidable force and regain back political stature.
Capacity
building and broadening the understanding of federalism by RCSS's Switzerland
visit arranged by its foreign ministry is also an important activities that has
to do with ethnic awareness.
All in
all, these varying degree of ethnic awareness activities, which could be
identified with ethnic upsurge is an unstoppable global trend and that needs
attention and viable solution.
Successive
military regimes have tried forced and institutionalized assimilation to solve
the ethnic conflict but has only heightened the ethnic identity awareness.
The
recent NLD's token ethnic reconciliation overtures of placing few ethnic MPs is
hardly an appropriate remedy to tame the surging ethno-nationalism and it is
just like a drop of water falling on a heated stone.
As for the USDP-Military clique whatever it might say, the ingrained idea of military supremacy tendency and Bamar ethnocentrism is hard to reform, if its Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing's repetitive reiteration of the said stance is to be taken as indications.
Given such a circumstance, it is fair to conclude that while the NLD might has some form of ethnic accommodation scheme, at least judging from what it has been doing in reconciliation aspects, it still needs to open up a dialogue with the ethnic umbrella organization like United Nationalities Alliance (UNA) to exchange ideas on a wide range of policy formulation. As for the military class, so far, it is determined to be a bulwark of Bamar ethnocentrism.
This means the two Bamar political classes, the NLD and the military, still have no comprehensive accommodation plan to meet the ethnic self-determination aspirations. Besides, there is a likelihood that that national state-based federalism and federal army formation would be the bone of contention that will be hard to bridge, while the ethnic upsurge trend is gaining momentum, accelerating and on the rise.
There is
no argument that the NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi need to first pass the
transitional period in order to address the other pressing problems. But
treating the ethnic groups as a whole as just a junior partner, worthy of only
for a handout, and not open to policy consultation on par with the NLD, for the
country's future is worrying and this has to be tackled.
In this
sense, while the NLD should proceed its handling of transitional administrative
undertakings, which is seen as political horse-trading with the military,
reconciliation with the ethnic nationalities, armed and unarmed, should be
worked out in tandem to be fair. For it would be a failure to dictate just the
NLD policy one-sidedly, without their participation, especially where the
ethnic self-determination issue is concerned.
Finally,
Aung San Suu Kyi also knows what should be included in the viable solution
concept that the ethnic peoples have been demanding all along.
All have
already agreed and even written in the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, that it
should be according to our unique historical background and appropriate system
in forming a genuine federal union, we only need to go back on our historical
treaty and documents and base our deliberation in overcoming the constitutional
crisis, that has existed since independence.
These
historical treaty and documents are none other than the 1947 Panglong
Agreement, 1948 Union of Burma Constitution, and 1961 Shan Federal Proposal
that was endorsed by all ethnic nationalities in Taunggyi, Shan State.
If there
is real political will and this concept is taken seriously, adhering to the
decades-long United Nations endorsement of tripartite dialogue, between the
military, the EAOs and political parties, to have fair representation for all
stakeholders, the long awaited political settlement will be at hand. Otherwise
the vicious circle of conflict would go on unabated, with or without Aung San
Suu Kyi.
The contributor is ex-General Secretary of the dormant Shan Democratic Union (SDU) — Editor
Tags: Opinion
