Can the broken pieces of Burma ever be put back together?
Sao Noan Oo
is the descendent of the saophas, or hereditary rulers, of the Shan princely
state of Lawksawk, in southern Shan State. She is the author of the
memoir, My Vanished World: The True Story of a Shan Princess. Born
in 1931, she now resides in the UK and also writes under the name Nellie Adams.
Following
the recent election in Burma, 2016 could be another historic year for the
country. A civilian party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), headed by
Aung San Suu Kyi, has won the 2015 general election. Judging from the election
results, one could think that there would be a change of government, from
dictatorship to democracy, but will this happen?
Soon
after she won the election, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led the people in her constituency—the
township of Kawhmu in Rangoon—to clean up the rubbish of packaging materials,
which are the consequences of Western food and drink companies gaining
access to Burma. This campaign inspired many and was followed up by people in
other parts of the country, including many townships in the Rangoon region as
well as in Lashio, Taunggyi, Monywa, Moulemein, Meikhtila, Indaw, Tavoy, Myeik,
Kyaukpadaung and Shwebo.
Cleaning
up the rubbish is a safe and easy task where the population can become freely
and voluntarily involved, a task of which even the dictators will not
disapprove. But scrubbing away the political dirt that has plagued the country
for more than half a century is going to be a very different and difficult
job; the most difficult part of the task will be putting the broken pieces of
the Union back together. Two successive military regimes destroyed the Union
which was established in 1947 through the Panglong Agreement, signed by the Burmans
represented by Bogyoke Aung San, and leaders of the Shan, Kachin and Chin.
Some of the Burmese Nationalists did not approve of the Constitution based on
the Panglong Principles. According to the Burmese Dobama (We Burmans) Association, Bogyoke Aung San 'had to go' so he
and his members of the Constitution Drafting Committee were assassinated on July
19, 1947.
The
institution did not approve then, and judging by the tone and reading between
the lines of speeches made by many of the members, it does not seem that they
do now. The two military regimes broke up the Union and tried every possible
means to put it back together in a different shape and form. In spite of having
usurped absolute power and using extreme force to bully and terrorize
non-Burman ethnic nationalities into conforming to their ideology, the Tatmadaw
has failed to make Burma whole again. It is human nature that the greater the force
used, the more that the people will resist or rebel.
In
his New Year's speech, Min Aung Hlaing, the Commander-in-Chief of Defense
Services, said on behalf of the Tatmadaw, “I wish all my beloved national
people, health and happiness.” Who does he meant by the phrase “my beloved
national people?” Definitely not the Shan and other non-Burman ethnic nationalities,
as he is still declaring war on them. Actions speak louder than words.
In
1947, the Panglong Agreement was signed so that the non-Burman ethnic
nationalities might live together as a Federal Union. They envisioned a union
of equal states, with a center that is federal and constituted by member states
working together in a functional and friendly manner.
But
the Tatmadaw as an institution cannot accept the fact that Burma cannot be
converted into a unitary nation state. Whether they like it or not, it is a
multi-racial, multi-ethnic and multi-cultural country with defined territorial
boundaries, each territory with its own rights of internal self-determination.
The ethnic nationalities have the same rights as the Burmans. There can never
be peace in Burma, nor can the conflict be resolved, until the Tatmadaw understands
and accept the rights and needs of the other nationalities. They must examine
their own hearts and put themselves in the place of those whose rights
they violate.
With
the Burmese military there is a complete lack of consideration and compassion
for the non-Burman ethnic nationalities as human beings: how they feel, how
much they suffer and how they feel when they lose their families or when these
loved ones are killed or raped by the Burmese soldiers.
Even during the 'peace
process,' the Tatmadaw still continues to bomb and burn Shan villages, causing
people to flee just because they happen to exist in their own homeland with their
own identity. These refugees would like to return to their own homes and
villages, and this has also been refused. What have ordinary, innocent
villagers ever done to the Tatmadaw to deserve such treatment? The members of
the Tatmadaw, like other dictators in the world, including Syria and Libya,
seem to have nothing in their hearts but anger, hate and resentment for those
who hold different ideologies and values than themselves.
General
U Min Aung Hlaing, in his speech said, “I promise solemnly that the Tatmadaw
will work with national people in harmony and unison and in oneness for further
enhancing peace and stability and prosperity of the country in the year. May
you all enjoy peace of mind in this New Year.”
When
the General said 'oneness,' does he mean, one unitary nation, one ethnicity,
one language, one culture and one religion? And does 'peace and stability' have
to be maintained by using extreme force and terrorizing the people into
submission and silence?
Now
that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has won the election, it is time that the Tadmadaw
Institution give way to the incoming newly elected government, and let them get
on with the job of politics, democratization and mending the Union. They might
do a better job. In a true and genuine democracy, the military is accountable
to the government and not the other way round.
Many
people are pinning their hopes on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to change the country
for the better. On the eve of her NLD landslide election victory she announced
that her first priority was to amend the Constitution to be genuinely federal,
by accommodating homegrown ethnic political parties’
MPs. And she told Khun
Htun Oo of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) that she would not
field NLD candidates in SNLD Constituencies, but according to the news, she has
already forgotten her intentions. Undoubtedly, she had to work with all the
political players, but as a leader and her father's daughter, she will
have to be strong enough to resist being manipulated, influenced, indoctrinated
or threatened by the Tatmadaw or her own NLD members. Her father was a good man
who had the making of a fair and just leader with high principles and values.
The
1947 Panglong Agreement is the most historically significant and politically
defining document of Burma. It symbolizes the coming together of various nation
states, which were formally ruled by Britain to form a new nation state, the
Federal Union of Burma. All the territories and ethnic nationalities agreed to
establish a union of equal, self-determining states; politically it was
envisioned by all, both Burmans and non-Burman ethnic nationalities, as a union
of co-independent and equal national states, described in the Burmese language
as 'Pyidaungsu'.
Having
elections and economic progress are not enough to appease the ethnic
nationalities. The re-adoption of the 'Panglong principles' and their inclusion
in the Constitution are essential if there is to be lasting peace and reconciliation
between the Burmese politicians and other ethnic nationalities. The Panglong
Agreement is the only glue that can put the broken pieces of the Union of Burma
together.
The
past Burmese rulers must also understand and recognize that they destroyed the
Union, and have wronged the non-Burman ethnic nationalities by invading their
homelands and robbing them of their human rights, thus damaging the long-term
relations between the Burmese political-military institution and the other
ethnic nationalities.
The
Panglong Accord, like the genes in the DNA of human beings, is a permanent part
of every ethnic nationality; it is written in their hearts and will be passed
down from generation to generation.
Bogyoke
Aung San said that in order for the ethnic nationalities to be loyal and not
leave the Union, the Burmans would have to make sure that they would want to
stay in the Union and not leave. So far, since his assassination, the Burman
political institution has not yet shown anything good that would make the
ethnic nationalities want to stay. But even after such horrendous treatment,
the ethnic nationalities are willing to reconcile and work together in the
Union, but not by force, war or threat; it must come from sensible discussion
and from the hearts and the willingness of the peoples concerned.
By Sao Noan Oo / Special Contributor to Shan Herald Agency for News
(S.H.A.N)
The views expressed are the author’s own.
Tags: Opinion
