Learning to share A bout low hanging fruits
Day Four.
Friday, 5 August 2016
A person
with sweet mouth but sour bottom
One ought
not live with such in the same house
(Shan proverb)
Has the peace
process proceeded in strikes since the new NLD government took over? That’s the
question the workshop tries to answer today.
First, the
positive developments:
·
It has promised a federal democracy
plus amendment of the military drawn charter
·
It is trying its best to include the
13 non-signatories armed movements in the upcoming Union Peace Conference,
renamed Union Peace Conference (21st Century Panglong).
Through the new
government’s efforts, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an
alliance of 9 EAOs (some say only 7) appears to have accepted the government’s
invitation to attend the Framework Review meeting, due 12-13 August, in
Rangoon. The 3 excluded movements (Arakan Army, Myanmar National Democratic
Alliance Army, and Ta-ang National Liberation Army) are negotiating with
government representatives a public statement acceptable to both sides, after
which they would be invited to join the UPC-21 PL. (There were reports that
negotiations broke down while this report was being filed) The National Democratic
Alliance Army (NDAA), a non UNFC group, has already accepted Naypyitaw’s bid to
attend the Framework Review meeting. The United Wa State Army (UWSA), regarded
as the strongest non-state rebel group, is also expected to join the UPC-21 PL
on 31 August , if not the framework meet.
At
the same time, the workshop also points out that all these developments have
come out at the expense of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) that was
signed in October and ratified by the Union Parliament in December. “There was
no need to bypass the NCA,” one comments. “The government could have achieved
the same result by simply implementing the guidelines laid out by it.”
According to the
NCA the Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting (JICM), composed of representatives
of the signatories, is the highest decision making body.
The Joint Ceasefire
Monitoring Committee (JMC), that deals with military matters, and the Union
Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) that deals with political matters, which
include drafting/amending the Framework for Political Dialogue, managing
political dialogues and holding the UPC, are formed by it.
The following are
some, if not all, of the workshop’s observations:
·
The formation of the UPC-21 PL
Preparatory Committee, ostensibly to convince the non-signatories to join the
process in April. “The UPDJC could have done it just as well,” says one
participant.
·
The dissolution of the UPDJC made up
of 16 members each from the government, political parties and signatory EAOs,
formed under (not by) the previous government, to appoint a new one headed by
the State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, by the President.
“The
UPDJC, as well as its chair, should be appointed by the JICM, if we play by the
rules,” says another participant.
·
The 16 members from the political
parties, also under the previous government, were chosen by the parties
themselves, following the principle of inclusivity, as enshrined in the NCA:
National
League for Democracy 2
members
Union
Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) 2
members
Shan
Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) 1
members
Arakan
National Party (ANP) 1
members
United
Nationalities Alliance (UNA) 1
members
Nationalities
Brotherhood Federation (NBR) 1
members
Federal
Democratic Alliance (FDA) 1
members
Other
Burma Proper parties 3
members
Other
States parties 4
members
“The
government now says only elected parties are eligible, despite Article 22
pointing out clearly that they must be Tayawin (legal/registered)
parties,” an unhappy politician had told SHAN.
·
“The form adopted under the previous
government wasn’t perfect,” he continued. “Because there was little time to
hold a prolonged debate. But it closely followed the principle of inclusivity.”
Another
politician explained how the political parties bloc attending the UPC had
chosen its 150 representatives quota:
92 representatives from 92 registered
parties
22 representatives, one each from elected
parties
16 representatives chosen to the UPDJC
8 representatives, chosen as advisors to
the UPDJC
12 representatives, one
from each of the 13 parties elected to the Union Parliament (the USDP decided
to forgo its right)
The government now says unelected parties should join the CSO
Forum due to be formed in the unspecified near future. “This really is an
outrage,” the first politician had exploded. “The government promised it would
adhere to the NCA. It’s time to prove the deed goes with the words.”
·
Last but not least, the JICM has not
been called since the new government took over. “Without the JICM,
everything being done is illegal,” comments an EAO leader.
It
seems, they say, negotiating with the elected government is tougher than
negotiating with the USDP government set up by the military.
“The
Thein Sein government had questions of legitimacy,” explains an academic. “So
it was forced to make allowances, such as slackening the rules on the media and
the political parties and initiating negotiations with the EAOs, in order to boost
up its legitimacy. But the NLD doesn’t have such problems, if you overlook the
fact that in most constituencies in states like Chin it had won by securing
only about 20% votes (there were 12 Chin parties entering the fray).”
In
addition, technical problems like lack of experience, inclination for formal negotiations, and slow communication lines,
both within and without, have been dogging the government’s negotiations,
unlike under U Thein Sein.
No
doubt, the government side has a lot of complaints against the EAOs too, like
no longer having practically a single communication line as it did before they
split into signatories and non-signatories last September.
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24 series
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The
participants’ conclusion is that, first and foremost, both sides must return to
the NCA, the only bond between the two sides, without which the peace process
will become dangerously anchorless.
“You can look the other way once and
it’s no big deal, except it makes it easier to compromise next time, and soon
all you’ll be doing is compromising because that’s how you think things are
done, “Jack Bauer, the character played by Kiefer
Sutherland, tells his colleague in the popular TV series, 24, on corruption. “You
knew these guys I blew the whistle on. You think they were bad guys? They
weren’t. They were just like you and me, except they compromised once.”
Naturally,
the next conclusion is to decide how it should be made known to the government
side, ASAP. But that is another day, and another story.
Tags: Opinion
