Coordinated moves of NLD and Tatmadaw essential to revitalize peace process
Her speedily executed long line of tasks included
circumventing the constitutional clause 59(f) that has barred her from taking
the presidential post, with the creation of State Counsellor position that
gives her a Prime Minister-like power; thereafter doling out two announcements
immediately concerning the release of political prisoners; delivering a new
year televised message, spelling out her commitment to peace process,
constitutional amendments and the establishment of a genuine federal union; and
meeting with 63 foreign ambassadors,
where she made clear the adoption of a people-centered foreign policy, with an
independent, non-aligned and active foreign policy, dealing closely and
friendly with not only neighbouring countries but also the world nations.
Adding to the praiseworthy, smooth and
unproblematic undertaking of political prisoners' release, reportedly with the
cooperation of the home
minister Lieutenant General Kyaw Swe, who is installed by the military
(Tatmadaw), the NLD's legal adviser U Ko
Ni recently even started to float the idea that the party may scrap efforts to
amend the constitution and instead seek to write a new charter.
According to Myanmar
Times, Lawyer U Ko Ni said it was now clear that the party was “wasting time”
trying to amend the current constitution, as the military holds veto powers and
is currently unwilling to make major changes. Stressing that it was only his
personal view, he said the party may instead choose to hold a national
referendum to gauge support for a new charter.
But as these speedy
changes were taking place, the Tatmadaw's
military actions were going on in Kachin, Shan and Arakan States and no
one is sure whether it is following the directives from only the
Commander-in-Chief or with consideration of the NLD regime's policy
orientation, on how to go about with the pending peace process that the new
government still needs to make it clear.
So far, Suu Kyi in her
televised speech only vaguely hinted that the NLD recognized the previous regime's good deeds, and that her party would continue to build the
peace process on them.
She stressed: “So,
regarding the internal peace process, we highly appreciate their ceasefire
initiative. We’ll continue to strive to include in the ceasefire accord the
organizations that we deem appropriate for inclusion.”
Apart from this, the
fate of Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), a government organ and directly under the
ex-President Thein Sein had been formally disbanded but has still not been
taken over by the NLD regime, although the MPC people responsible for it were
said to be ready with the handover.
According to Myanmar
Times report before the end of ex-President Thein Sein tenure, he dissolved the
MPC and ordered its properties to be transferred to two new non-governmental
organizations (NGOs): the Myanmar Peace Building Dialogue Center and the Peace
and Development Foundation. Both are affiliated with former MPC staff; the
latter will be led by Aung Min, who acted as MPC’s head.
The Tatmadaw's military
moves
During the month of
April, the Tatmadaw has withdrawn its four infantry divisions which were fighting the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) for months in northern
Shan State, while hundreds of troops reinforcement were carried out in central
Shan State around Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA)
positions, additionally giving ultimatum to withdraw by 22 April,
from two mountain posts bordering United Wa State Army (UWSA) controlled
territory, located in the Loi Lan and Loi Say hills near the Salween River in
Tanyang Township.
Following the rejection of the
SSPP's central committee to withdraw from the said positions, the Tatmadaw's
Bureau Chief of North Eastern Command again asked to jointly survey the areas
on 27 April. The Tatmadaw had in the past asked for such favour to survey or
pass through the SSPP areas, which were later followed by offensives and
occupation of its military garrisons. Given such experiences, at this writing,
it is not clear if the SSPP will yield to the military demand.
Fights broke out between the military and Arakan Army (AA) on 16 April,
killing a battalion commander, Colonel Myo Min Tun, including some 20
government troopers at Ponnagyun and Rathedaung townships, which was
confirmed by military run Myawaddy TV.
The military has vowed to evict the AA from Arakan State.
On 21 April, Tatmadaw
troops believed to be from 99th Light Infantry Division (LID) 99 and
Kachin Independence Army (KIA) troops from Battalion 38 clashed fiercely at
Nwang Jang and Man Yang villages road junction, in northern Shan State, since
the formation of KIA's 6th
Brigade a few months ago, according to Kachin News report.
In Kachin State, not far
from Laiza headquarters near Ban Dawng and Nam San Yang, heavy government
offensives had forced KIA 18th Battalion to withdraw from four of
its small outposts.
Meanwhile, three ethnic
armed groups – TNLA, AA and the Kokang group known as the Myanmar National
Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) - that have been actively fighting against the
Tatmadaw in northern Shan and western Arakan states have agreed to meet a
former Burmese government peace delegation, headed by U Aung Min, in the
northern Thai city of Chiang Mai next month, according to various news media.
It is not clear if U
Aung Min is representing the Union Solidarity and Development Party-Military
clique, which he formerly worked for or just his own NGO setup, “Peace and
Development Foundation”, to deal with
the peace process.
UNFC and UWSA
In preparation for the
peace talks with the new regime, the United Nationalities Federal Council
(UNFC) held meeting from 19 to 22 April and decided to stick to its
all-inclusiveness approach, apart from resolving not to entertain the
leadership wish of the UWSA , the advocacy said to be floated when the
northern, seven Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), including some UNFC members,
met in Panghsang last month.
The unconfirmed news
regarding the issues discussed and decided at the meeting were:
·
The UNFC would be the mediator between Restoration
Council of Shan State (RCSS) and TNLA, not the UWSA;
·
UNFC does not accept the leadership offer by UWSA;
·
If Gen Khin Zaw Oo and U Hla Mg Shwe, representing the
military, wish to meet AA, TNLA and MNDAA informally next month, it must be via
the good offices of UNFC;
·
AA though not the UNFC member can join its Delegation
for Peace Negotiation (DPN); and
·
The joint conference with the 8 signatory EAOs will be
discussed only after meeting with the new government representatives.
Perspective
As the NLD's crucial
task are achieving peace, development and establishing a genuine federal union,
it is imperative that the internal armed conflict be resolved first and foremost and as soon as possible.
In this regard, although the Tatmadaw's seemingly uncoordinated
military movements could serve its ethnocentrism tendency and maintaining
political edge, the ongoing armed conflicts in Kachin, Shan and Arakan States
are not conducive in trying to achieve peace, national reconciliation and
harmony.
While the military is
convinced, rightly or wrongly, that it is protecting the country's sovereignty
and disintegration of national unity by military occupation and suppression
against the ethnic resistance armies and the population in ethnic homeland, the
EAOs see its as aggressor and occupier, which they must resist.
In other words, the
question to ownership and implementation of two terminologies, “sovereignty”
and “national unity”, could only be resolved through extensive political
dialogue. And to do this a peaceful atmosphere or the absence of armed conflict
is a necessity. Thus the question arises, who could control the military, the
main responsible source of the conflict, and give political direction to act
according to the policy making government's wish.
To date, the military
has been and still is “a state within the state”. Even the ex-military man,
ex-President Thein Sein was unable to control or give directive to the Burma
Army, during his five years tenure.
Given such a backdrop,
the core problem is on how to bring the military under the wing of civilian
government, so that real ceasefire could be implemented on the ground. For if
the military would continue to make its own decision without taking orders from
the political decision-makers as in the past, and go about waging offensive
wars in the name of protecting sovereignty and national unity on its own,
durable and sustainable nationwide ceasefire would never be achieved.
To achieve the goal that
the military would follow policy directive from the government, cooperation and
coordination between the NLD regime and the military top brass is a necessity.
To put it differently, there have to be agreement on a macro management level
of the peace process or “big picture”. And part of the micro planning, among
others, is to end the war on the ground and willingly bring the big influential
neighbouring country into the peace process deliberations, coupled with
domestic, ethnic conflict resolution undertakings that would lead to the
political settlement of give-and-take.
Just imagine how a
mutually correct and sustainable economic interaction, including implementation
of non-alignment foreign policy on Burma's part, would put our big neighbouring
country at ease in dealing with us. True, this needs careful approach and is a
tall order, but if this mutual understanding that would profit both countries
could be achieved, the so-called proxy armies along the border could be easily
persuaded to cooperate for a peaceful solution that would accommodate their
aspirations and as well, find suitable
remedy to their political grievances.
Parallel to this, if a
nationwide political dialogue, in form of a second Panglong Agreement or 21st
Century Panglong Accord as Suu Kyi used to mention, could be convened with a
true desire to achieve equality, rights of self-determination and democracy
encompassing all ethnic groups, Bamar included, the long-lasting and durable
peace could be at hand.
As always, “political
will” is the key in striving to achieve such political settlement that would
pave way for genuine reconciliation and harmony in this deeply divided society.
Tags: Opinion
