THE CASE OF SHAN UNITY MEETING: As military solution takes the lead, is trust-building going down the drain?
The offensives in northern Shan State
might have now started as a slow burner but with massive troops deployment,
seven out of total ten Light Infantry Divisions (LID) of the Burma Army
(Tatmadaw) already in the area, it is only a matter of time before the massive
onslaught, on Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), Myanmar National
Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Kachin Independence Army (KIA) 4th and newly
formed 6th Brigade, are about to begin.
Already starting March, clashes have been
occurring between TNLA and Burma army, on the heels of the Restoration Council
of Shan State (RCSS)-TNLA clashes beginning November last year and have largely
died down, following the parliament endorsement that the Burma Army should go
in to restore normalcy. Recent reports by BBC said that in Namhsan, Namtu,
Kyaukme and Kutkhai areas, battles were raging on a daily basis, between the
Tatmadaw and TNLA, KIA forces.
Colonel Mai Aik Kyaw of TNLA told the
media that Burma Army had reinforced some 500 military trucks, deploying about
4000 troops to combat the ethnic forces in the area. He also said that the
Namkham-Kutkhai area is the operational area of the ethnic military alliance
involving the TNLA, KIA and Shan State
Progress Party (SSPP).
Meanwhile, Arakan Army (AA) had made
public that it's troops ambushed the Tatmadaw's troops that belongs to LID 565,
killing some 30, including a high ranking, deputy battalion commander, at Butheetaung Township in Arakan State. The
Burma army has been vowing to drive out the AA from the Arakan State and has
been ambushed while reinforcing its troops to fight against the outfit.
As the Tatmadaw, undoubtedly, has embarked
on a war path rather than the peaceful settlement, its half-hearted
reconciliation scheme of parroting “trust-building” and facilitation through
Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) and Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD)
seems to be going down the drain. The case in point is its prohibition of the
Committee for the Shan State Unity (CSSU) meeting that was supposed to take
place in Rangoon for three days, within the parameter of national
reconciliation deliberation.
The three-day planned annual meeting of
the CSSU ended after only one day on 3rd March, Thursday due to pressure from
the local military security establishment in Rangoon.
The committee, which is a coalition of
ethnic armed groups, political parties and civil society organizations, aimed
to explore strategies that would advance collaboration and unity within Shan
State’s diverse communities, apart from the necessity of constitutional
amendment to achieve genuine federalism and employing the real essence of NCA
to achieve real internal peace.
According to Sai Leik, spokesman of the
Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), members of a local military
affairs security team asked him to let them in to the meeting room to listen to
the proceedings but the request was
refused.
“Upon our refusal, they went to pressure
the people responsible for the hotel. They also demanded that we terminate our
meeting for lack of permission to hold the meeting, in which we asked that they
do the rejection officially in writing. But as they declined, we said that
since it is the directive not concerned with us (as it is not prohibited
according to the law) we will not stop the meeting,” said Sai Leik.
But nevertheless, the CSSU meeting
scheduled for another two days to be held at Summit Parkview Hotel was unable
to continue, due to the Rangoon Regional authority's order to the hotel
concerned, that without permission it could not permit the holding of meeting
at its venue.
But according to “Trust-building and
interpreting principle of political framework” and specifically for the level
of “National Level Political Dialogue”, it is clearly allowed and approved as
the following paragraph in Political Dialogue Framework is written.
“In line with the basic guidelines laid
down by the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC), the working
committees may hold the national level political dialogues in groups or in
single group of governments, ethnic armed groups and civil society
organizations from states and regions.”
As a result, only a skeleton, wrap up
meeting was held the following day, on 4 March, at the SNLD head office in
Rangoon, without going through the three-day schedule as planned.
CSSU Statement
On 4 March, the CSSU, which is made
up of Shan State Joint Action Committee (SSJAC), Shan Nationalities Democratic
Party (SNDP), SNLD, Civil Society Organizations inside and outside the
country, issued a five point statement:
·
emphasizing to work towards unity, harmony, equality,
development, and self-determination of all ethnic groups in Shan State;
·
amending 2008 Constitution in order to establish a federal union that
reflects the desire of all ethnic groups;
·
promising to support the current peace building effort
in accordance with the essence of Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA);
·
encouraging to find solution to all armed conflicts
among the Ethnic Armed
Organizations (EAOs) and between the EAOs and the Tatmadaw through peaceful
means; and
·
accepts
the application of Eastern Shan State Development and Democracy Party (ESSDDP)
to become its latest member.
Shan State Academics Consultative Council
It will be helpful to briefly go back and look into the phobia mindset
of the military on federalism, even if it is now forced to parrot it, due to
the political pressure and nature of the day.
On 9 February 2005, nine Shan national leaders including U Khun Htun Oo,
Chairman of the SNLD, were arrested by
the Burmese military regime for attempting to form a committee called the “Shan
State Academics Consultative Council”.
The committee was advocating the formation of genuine federal union,
which the military accused the Shan leaders of actually intending to use this
term to get people's support, but that their real intention was to one day
secede from the union and establish a separate state. And it was under this the
trump up, treason charge that all the Shan leaders involved were sent to long
years of imprisonment.
Khun Htun Oo, Chairman of the SNLD, was sentenced to 93 years
imprisonment, Secretary Sai Nyunt Lwin
85 years, U Sai Hla Aung 79 years, U Myint Than 79 years (where he
died), U Htun Nyo 79 years, Sai Myo Win Tun 79 years, Sai Nyi Nyi Moe 79 years
and General Hso Ten with 106 years.
Seen from this perspective, it is quite evident that the military hasn't
been able to get rid of its phobia of genuine federalism and the power-sharing
that would follow by really accepting it. And thus, the prohibition of the CSSU
to conduct meeting could be seen from this perspective.
The Chinese factor
Given the Tatmadaw's likely massive
confrontation course with the EAOs along
the Burma-China border and northern Shan State as a whole and perhaps sensing
the military build up and escalation of war, the Chinese Ambassador to Burma
Mr. Hong Lian warned that he hoped that no more incident of stray bombs will
fall again on Chinese soil like in the past, after the new regime take over.
“China is the country which wants most to
see peace in Myanmar so that there will be no more stray bombs falling on our
territory,” he told reporters, referring to the the war that broke out between
the Myanmar Army and Kokang forces last year, when he met reporters on 4 March
at his residence, according to recent Mizzima report.
An intended and a thinly veiled threat
could also be detected, when he said China was practising an “open door
policy,” one in which no bombs from other countries fell on Chinese territory,
but Myanmar had proved to be the exception.
“The bombs from Paukphaw (friendly)
country of Myanmar fell on our territory. We would have retaliated if the bombs
were from other countries,” he added.
Possible outlook
While militarily the confrontation course
is unmistakably moving towards a wider, nastier war, the political course of
“trust building”, especially where the ethnic groups are concerned has also
taken a beating, if not yet already totally depleted.
The consequences arising from such failed
calculation could be tremendous and it would do the military clique good if it
could reassess the wrong course that it has now taken, could push the country into
the abyss of a wider mini-Cold War, which will lead to the “lose-lose” outcome
for all stakeholders.
Already the pitting of RCSS against TNLA
has opened up a latent formation of confrontation groups: a pro-Chinese MNDAA,
United Wa State Army (UWSA), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) or Mong
La and TNLA on one side; and the RCSS and Burma army on the other, although
both sides rejected that they have anything to do with each other.
The military clique's desire or even
commitment to cling on to power in order to protect its group interest is
understandable but misplaced.
Its best bet is to fade away in dignity
through political compromise, settlement and accommodation, not trying to cling
on to power at all cost. Otherwise, the “Arab Spring” that the military is so
determined to keep away from would usher in against its will.
The short-sighted thinking of keeping the
war flames on so that it could retain its political edge and parroting
"trust-building", while doing just the opposite, as the prohibition
of Shan unity meeting shows, wouldn't do anyone good and could even drag down
the country into total disintegration that the military is so keen to avoid.
It is high time for the military to make
correct assessment and invest every effort to avert undesirable man-made
catastrophe of self-destruction, for the benefit of the country and the people
that have suffered for so long under its rule.
Tags: Opinion