The drastic action came about as spokesman U Nyan Win talked to Agence France-Presse (AFP) on the choice of two house speakers - Upper and Lower House of the parliament – prematurely that visibly made Aung San Suu Kyi upset, who thought it should be kept secret until officially announced.

On 20 January, U Nyan Win told AFP that senior party member Win Myint would be tapped to serve as speaker of the Union Parliament’s Lower House, while the ethnic Karen MP-elect Mahn Win Khaing Than, also from the NLD, would get the party’s backing for the Upper House.

The NLD later refused the selection have been made but neither confirmed nor denied the line up made known by U Nyan Win and said that official announcement would be made soon.

Against this backdrop and in relation to what U Nyan Win has made known, Sai Nyunt Lwin secretary general of Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) told Mizzima on 21 January, that a token placing of ethnic MPs in some key parliamentary spots either by Aung San Suu Kyi or according to the demand of some ethnic politicians, won't be enough for reconciliation with the ethnic nationalities. But discussion between ethnic political parties and NLD to map out policy matters such as constitutional amendment and formation of a federal union together is more important than just installation of some ethnic MPs to key governmental positions.

Hkun Htun Oo, Chairman of the SNLD regarding the rumour that there won't be a Vice-President post available for the ethnic nationalities recently said: “(I) want the NLD to be an all-inclusive government. They are shouting (voicing) national reconciliation government. The ethnic nationalities have to be included.”

He stressed that since his party won some 40 seats, they would be ready for the post of Shan State Chief Minister if selected, but the problem was that the NLD hasn't initiated the meeting with the SNLD and other ethnic parties until now, according to the media reports.

Regarding the problematic nature following the NLD issued directive, Hkun Htun Oo told BBC on 23 January that Aung San Suu Kyi should regularly meet the press and make clarification as needed.

Meanwhile the Arakan National Party (ANP) concerning the Arakan State government formation said if its party is not given the opportunity to lead and given State Chief Minister post, it will go into opposition and also would not participate in any government organization.

Of the 48 seats in Rakhine’s regional parliament, the ANP won 23 seats and the NLD 13, while the military occupies 12 seats – or 25 percent – under the country’s constitution. The ANP still needs another 2 more seats to have absolute majority.

“We are engaged in politics for the development of our nation and the state. If the NLD does not want to work with us and refuses to speak to us – then we frankly want to say we are going to stand in opposition to an NLD-led government,” the ANP statement read.

The frustration of the ANP could be detected as chief U Hla Saw told Anadolu Agency on 21 January that they had been waiting to negotiate with the NLD, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, since the official results of the November election were announced. “But no word from NLD yet,” he said by phone.

To top off his disappointment he said: “We hoped that the political dialogue that is being widely discussed would take place between the ANP and the NLD. However we are not seeing the same attitude from the NLD. Instead, they have publicly spoken about their intention to form the regional government in Arakan State despite the fact that they only won nine seats in this region and refused to have a political dialogue with our party, which won 23 seats.”

Rumours abound

As unclear NLD policy on how it will interact with the ethnic political parties remains a misery, the disappointment and frustration on the part of the non-Bamar ethnic nationalities snowballed into distrust that could make reconciliation a more formidable task.

Against this backdrop, the rumours making the rounds make the political guessing game more exciting for stakeholders, news media and as well Burma watchers, if not exactly beneficial to the prevailing cacophony sounding atmosphere.

For example presidential position is rumoured to be occupied either by NLD patron Thura U Tin Oo, Dr. Tin Myo Win or Sayar Min Thu Wun's son U Htin Kyaw, according to NLD sources.

As for Union Election Commission, Thura U Shwe Mann who is closed to Aung San Suu Kyi is said to be slated to take over.

Regarding States and Regions Chief Ministers, Dr Zaw Myint Maung for Mandalay Region, Dr Myint Naing for Sakaing Region, Nang Khin Htwe Myint for Karen State, U Nyi Pu for Arakan State and the rest of the States and Regions would be selected from central committee members of the NLD.

Even 3 to 4 from the Union Peace and Development Party (USDP) would be allotted positions in the government and Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing had said to have asked Aung San Suu Kyi to reinstate U Aung Min, the top peace negotiater of President Thein Sein, according to a source near to the NLD.

Of course, such rumours are hard to verify and one only have to wait until official announcements are made.

Where to Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD?

The solo taking over of the spokesperson role by Aung San Suu Kyi could be a sign of insecurity on how to handle the multi-tasks undertaking involving the choosing of candidates for key political positions in the parliament and as well the government ministers, not to mention the presidential candidates, who she would install as a figurehead. Suu Kyi, according to the constitution 59(f) Section could not become President and thus have made known that she would rule by proxy.

Apart from that she still also couldn't find time or has no program to meet the ethnic political parties to determine on how the constitutional amendment and federal form of government would look like, to the disappointment of ethnic nationalities. For they might take it as that given her landslide win in most ethnic states, except for the Shan and Arakan, she doesn't have to compromise, negotiate and consult the ethnic political parties any more.

If this is the case, she is going to be on the wrong track, for no amount of vote gained in ethnic states would grant her a blank check to do whatever she likes and that ethnic rights to exist and ethnic self-determination cannot be nullified or taken away by anybody. Also she should not forget that the votes she had collected from the ethnic states are in large part tactical votes and of course, also due to her popular world stateswoman stature than the NLD policy declaration.

In the long run, if she is true to her ideas of genuine federalism, she should refrain from competing in ethnic states in the next elections, but instead should form coalition with like-minded ethnic political parties and endorse them so as to empower and let them grow, to adequately and conscientiously work for their individual state on their own.

While it is arguable that in an election any party, especially which considers itself as a nationwide party, cross-cutting ethnic lines, could compete any where like in the case of NLD. But there is a moral ethnic aspect that should be observed, not to intrude into ethnic states where the heavy weight Bamar political party could bully the politically handicapped home-grown ethnic political parties, which are materially and capacity wise no match to such nationwide competing party. No federalism minded dominant ethnic group should entertain such idea, particularly when national state-based federal union is to be the norm and system of governance.

For example in Federal Republic of Germany the ruling Christian Democratic Union party never venture into Bavarian State where it's coalition party Christian Social Union is strong. In contrast, the NLD's deeds could not be taken as such when compared to its relationship with the ANP and SNLD, in Arakan and Shan states respectively. And if one is not forgetful, the NLD had worked closely with the ethnic parties under the banner of  the Committee Representing the People's Parliament (CRPP), during the two decades repressive years of military rule.

But it could well be that the priority setting of NLD Chairwoman has changed, after the landslide election victory, which is to woo the military more at the expense of the ethnic nationalities, according to Sai Leik, the SNLD's spokesman.

In sum, Aung San Suu Kyi has to walk an extra mile to fulfill her pledge of reconciliation with the ethnic nationalities, after she has done her part quite well with the military. Otherwise, her commitment to build a national reconciliation government together with the military and ethnic in words and deeds will be thoroughly questioned and would even be seen in league with the military to subdue the ethnic aspirations of equality.

Other than that, all the rest of NLD  top decision makers would need to get rid of their phobia that the military will find reasons not to hand over power like in the aftermath of 1990 NLD's landslide election win. It is evident that, the present military is keen to improve its image and have embarked on a democratization process, even if it is dubbed a discipline-flourishing democracy for whatever  the said label is meant to portray.

The case in point here is that it is not about to throw away all the progress made, which is a preparation for the military's soft-landing, that has even reaped better international standing and acceptability in general for the reform process made. But of course, the balance between the people's desire for speedy democratization and the angst of the military class that wishes a gradual withdrawal from the leadership role of the country will have to be worked out, during the five year tenure of Suu Kyi's NLD regime. Only nobody could foresee how this likely long drawn out compromise will unfold in the months and years to come.