The Peace Process: What’s next?
As delegates from each ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) head for the
Wa capital of Panghsang aka Pangkham on the Sino-Burmese border, one
question: whether the 1-3 May conference there will unanimously adopt
the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) draft that their Nationwide
Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) had negotiated for 17 months.
According to sources, the NCCT’s government counterpart, Union
Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC) is satisfied and is ready to sign it.
“We are only waiting for you,” said one of its members to an NCCT member
in Rangoon on the last day of the negotiations.
Consequently, what Naypyitaw wants is not another series of rounds on
the draft. “If there is anything to add or amend, it should be in the
annexure (which already has 35 resolutions) but not the text,” a member
of the UPWC’s technical team Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) told SHAN.
The only problem is one doesn’t know how much the contents of the
annexure will be held valid by the government once the text is signed.
Already some groups are calling for an amendment to the draft text. Here are three of their point of concern:
Article 5 (c) …. When the need arises either for
the defense of the country or defense against external threats, both
parties will jointly undertake military preparations as prescribed by
bilateral coordination
“ ‘Defense of the country’ is a phrase which can be either expanded
or shrunk as one may desire,” an EAO member with legal experience says.
“If it’s defense against external threats, it is already understood all
citizens, whether they be civilian, government or rebel, must do their
duty. So I think this clause is absolutely unnecessary.”
The second concerns Article 10 (a). That “relevant
government agencies, ethnic armed organizations and local organizations
will coordinate and undertake the administration of humanitarian
assistance by NGOs and INGOs for internally displaced peoples (IDPS) and
victims of conflict with the permission of the government
Several community based organizations have expressed their
disappointment that government permission must be sought even for
humanitarian assistance desperately needed.*
The third concerns the perceptible disagreement between Article 20 (b). and Article 21 (b).
Article 20 (b) Drafting and adopting a framework for political dialogue by ethnic armed organizations and representatives of the government
Article 21 (b) By working together with all
relevant stakeholders, signatories to this agreement agree to develop
and adopt the final version of the framework for political dialogue
Some political parties, understandably, ask, “Are we being left out?
Or are we needed just to play second fiddle?” while the NCCT and the
UPWC/MPC take pains to explain that they are not excluded. “We need more
than explanations to convince us,” a prominent ethnic politician
retorts. “Amend the articles.”
These are only noticeable examples. There are still others by which
some EAOs have charged the NCCT: “You have been outsmarted,” “You were
focusing more on the political considerations rather than the ground
situation.”
Naturally, not all of the NCCT members are unable to maintain their
cool under the all-round onslaught by their own people. “If you don’t
like what I have done,” one NCCT member reportedly told his mother
organization, “it’s easy. Replace me.”
If there is one thing that has been learned during the 17-month
negotiations, it is that replacing these negotiators on both sides, who
have learned by trial and mistakes, will not be easy. Because the
replacements are bound to make the same mistakes and thereby
unnecessarily prolong the process, and might even derail it.
Which does not necessarily mean the present negotiators are irreplaceable, because they are.
What needs to be done, if the peace process is to go on, is to train
the replacements on both sides before they begin negotiations.
Because as all experts agree: The methods are not secret. If both
sides are equally trained, it will be easier to negotiate with each
other. And if they have been trained together, all the better.
*Article 25 (a) meanwhile says, “During the interim
period of conducting and implementing peace negotiations, it is agreed
to carry out the following programs and projects in consultation with
each other in ceasefire areas: (5) The receiving of aid from donor
communities both inside and outside the country for regional development
and capacity-building projects”
Tags: Editorial